Reports obtained from:
(1) Danny Morrison, (2) Sunday Business Post, (3) Daily Ireland
(4) Irish Republican News
Tuesday, 3 May, 2005
Friday, 6 May, 2005
Sunday, 8 May, 2005
Monday, 9 May, 2005
Wednesday-Monday, 4-9 May, 2005
No cure for 'The Doc' (Paisley) if IRA disband
By Danny Morrison
The remark at a DUP press conference that David Trimble is facing not just "the electric chair" but "the rope" was vintage Paisley. Cocky, vainglorious, petty stuff that had his merry band of followers roaring in the aisles at Trimble being 'executed' twice - across the North as leader of the UUP, and at a personal level at the hands of David Simpson in Upper Bann.
Last December Paisley came off with the IRA having to "wear sackcloth and ashes in public". A few months before that, at Leeds Castle, he attacked 'Romanist' journalists for not really caring about his health, after one journalist, who happened to be a Catholic, asked him how he was keeping.
Paisley knows he can get away with such remarks because the media has by and large indulged him and tolerated as 'eccentric' this vulgar side to what they fondly call the 'The Doc's' personality. Yet, there is nothing eccentric about it. He speaks quite deliberately and this is clearly understood by his supporters who love the mix of religious fundamentalism and its imagery with traditional 'No Surrender' politics.
In the 1960s the upper class leadership of the Ulster Unionists used to dismiss Paisley, scoff at him and ridicule him, until, that is, he got elected as a Stormont MP in Bannside and as a Westminster MP for North Antrim in1970. There followed a series of relationships between the UUP and Paisley, from jointly sitting on the paramilitary Ulster Workers Committee in 1974, to Paisley's and David Trimble's famous jig at the bottom of the Garvaghy Road in 1995.
Although Paisley commanded a huge personal following from the first EU elections in 1979, it has only been in recent years that his party's threat to the UUP has become overwhelming, and that is directly linked to the fears Paisley has stoked about the Belfast Agreement.
Yet, if Paisley really wants power he too will have to do what the Ulster Unionists did and sit with Sinn Fein in an executive with links to the Dublin government. I have long been of the opinion that he cannot do that and that his victories will have all been empty ones which will deliver no progress or prosperity for the unionist people.
On May 5 th, Paisley's DUP will probably trounce the Ulster Unionists as that party celebrates its 100 th anniversary at something more akin to a wake. Of course, it won't be completely written off but it will take a considerable time getting to its feet and dusting itself down before being ready to seriously confront the DUP, and that probably not happening until Paisley has retired.
Nevertheless, Paisley's DUP mantra, "Never, Never, Never", could come back to haunt him. Unlike the manifestos of Sinn Fein and the SDLP, which are grounded in some form of pragmatism, Paisley's manifesto promises a post-election polity which is delusional.
Unsurprisingly, he states that he is not prepared to share power with Sinn Fein until there is complete, visible and verifiable decommissioning; a total end to IRA activity; and that "the community" is convinced the IRA has been stood down (language which usually means "the unionist community").
Given that for several years the IRA has met with John de Chastelain's international decommissioning body and has on several occasions put large amounts of weapons beyond use it is clear that the IRA was headed for complete disarmament. It said as much at Christmas. Gerry Adams' recent appeal to the IRA is for this process (plus more) to be hastened. However, Paisley, by emphasising photographs and videos of decommissioning, instead of the substance, has left himself vulnerable. What will be the response of him and his party when the IRA - as I believe it will - puts all of its weapons beyond use and stands down/demobilises and is perceived by the general public and the two governments as having done so?
The PR tables will have been turned on the DUP which will either have to recognise the disarmament without having the photographic evidence or deny in perpetuity its voters a right to local executive administration.
Another part of Paisley's manifesto is that "inclusive, mandatory coalition government which includes Sinn Fein under d'Hondt or any other system is out of the question." So, even were the IRA to humiliate itself by allowing decommissioning to be filmed, even were the IRA to declare itself disbanded, the DUP would still not equitably or proportionally share power with Sinn Fein! They're really smart negotiators, okay!
The DUP had been, of course, heartened by the unrepresentative remarks earlier this year of Eddie McGrady and Alasdair McDonnell that the SDLP should consider going into coalition with the DUP to the exclusion of Sinn Fein, remarks which Mark Durkan unconvincingly claimed had been taken out of context. That aside, there is no way would Sinn Fein or the SDLP, having already secured the d'Hondt system of election in the executive, derogate from it in order to gerrymander their own entitlements to cabinet posts.
So, realising that an approach to the SDLP is a dead duck the DUP are promising that direct rule will be made "more accountable and acceptable" and that it will work "to integrate Northern Ireland more firmly within the United Kingdom." The irony of that, of course, is that greater integration was the policy of the former leader of the Ulster Unionist party, James Molyneaux, which Paisley, the devolutionist, opposed!
In summary, this is what Ian Paisley's manifesto consists of: there will be no assembly, no executive, no negotiations and no change.
" Northern Ireland cannot afford for Sinn Fein to be the largest party and only the DUP can stop this," he says, to fire unionist voters.
But where does it leave them afterwards?
The DUP under Paisley is a party which because of its sectarian history and inclination cannot take into account the rights of nationalists who, for all intents and purposes, comprise almost half the population.
Paisley's manifesto's greatest weakness is its one-dimensional view of the world - as if nationalists have lesser rights than unionists, are going to acquiesce in their own discrimination, haven't got a voice, aren't going to lobby, don't exist.
And that's Paisley's problem.
Adams elected MP for West Belfast
Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams has been re-elected MP for west Belfast with an increased majority.
By Irish Republican News
Mr Adams extended his lead over his rival in the overwhelmingly nationalist constituency, the SDLP’s Alex Attwood.
Adam s was the first MP to be declared election in the Westminster elections in the North of Ireland. Further results are expected over the course of the afternoon.
Mr Adams took 70.48 per cent of the vote, some 24,348 of the ballots cast and a 4 per cent increase in his majority.
Alex Attwood of the SDLP took 14.57 per cent, Diane Dodds of the DUP 10.57 per cent and Chris McGimpsey of the Ulster Unionist Party 2.26 per cent.
The Ulster Unionist Party's share of the ballot was down by some 3.95 per cent.
Speaking mainly in Irish after the declaration at Belfast City Hall, Mr Adams praised his election team but criticised irregularities in voting procedures and the removal of voters from the register.
He said: "It is a very proud and humbling day for me that even with a shredded register Sinn Féin increased its percentage of the vote."
This initial result bears out predictions that the UUP and the SDLP face serious losses in this election. However, anecdotal evidence from Derry suggests that SDLP leader Mark Durkan could win the Foyle seat over Sinn Féin's Mitchel McLaughlin with the help of tactical voting by unionists.
Sinn Féin, however, still believes it will take the Newry and Armagh constituency from the SDLP.
The UUP is holding out hope that its leader will retain his Upper Bann seat in the face of a strong challenge from the DUP. Tactical voting by nationalists could yet save the troubled David Trimble.
Ulster Unionist seats in East Antrim, South Antrim and South Belfast are all reported to be under serious pressure from DUP candidates.
Reports in East Antrim suggest Sammy Wilson will take the seat from Roy Beggs by a landslide.
Flash: SF, DUP vote up; SDLP take South Belfast
By Irish Republican News
SDLP deputy leader Alasdair McDonnell has won a unionist seat in South Belfast amid a general rise in the vote of Sinn Fein and Ian Paisley's DUP and a decline in the vote of the SDLP and David Trimble's UUP.
With the exception of the result in South Belfast, all candidates have been returned as expected, with the DUP quickly racking up five victories.
In the last few moments, Sinn Fein's Michelle Gidernew has held her seat with an increased majority in Fermanagh/South Tyrone.
The SDLP gain of the seat previously held by the Ulster Unionist Party's Martin Smyth proved the catalyst for a vocal dispute between the two main unionist parties, as each side blamed the other for splitting the unionist vote.
It has been a poor election so far for the Ulster Unionists, with an estimated 10% swing against the party to the more hardline DUP. Most observers are convinced that the UUP leader David Trimble will himself lose his seat to the DUP later this evening.
"This is a Tsunami for the Ulster Unionist Party," one UUP Assembly source said.
"Upper Bann has gone, South Belfast has gone. Our seats are being swept away."
The SDLP, meanwhile, have been lifted by McDonnell's gain and are expecting party leader to win the seat vacated by former party leader John Hume at the Derry count.
Turnout for the Foyle constituency is reported to be 67%, indicating that disaffected unionists in the nationalist constituency have turned out to prevent a gain for Sinn Fein's Mitchel McLaughlin.
As of 6pm, the DUP had five seats in North Antrim, North Belfast, East Derry, East Belfast and East Antrim.
Sinn Fein had two seats, in West Belfast and Fermanagh/South Tyrone and the SDLP had one seat in South Belfast.
Trimble out; Durkan, Murphy in
By Irish Republican News
David Trimble became the biggest name casualty of the British General Election tonight as his Ulster Unionist Party slumped in the General Election.
The former First Minister was comprehensively beaten in Upper Bann, losing to Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionists.
Mr Trimble's defeat was a hammer blow for his party, which has seen a substantial swing across the North to the DUP and has been left with just one seat at Westminster - that of Sylvia Hermon in wealthy North Down.
The defeat appears to have spelled the end of Mr Trimble's future as Ulster Unionist leader.
An emotional Mr Trimble said he was proud of his 15-year record serving Upper Bann in the House of Commons.
Mr Trimble said: "The DUP will know that with success comes responsibility. I believe they have inherited from Ulster Unionism a very strong position for unionism and I hope they manage to safeguard that position over the course of the months to come.
However, his hardline opponents struggled to appear graceful winners.
"The lesson is you cannot play fast and loose with the electorate and get away with it," said DUP deputy leader Peter Robinson.
"Slowly but surely he has been held to account by the Unionist electorate."
The fixation of the mainstream media on the UUP's demise was interrupted only by delight at the narrow escape of the SDLP, who are set to return three MPs, as they began the day.
As expected from early this morning, party leader Mark Durkan fended off a challenge from Sinn Fein's Mitchel McLaughlin and held onto his party's seat in Foyle.
Sinn Fein's share of the vote increased by 6.6%, but it was not enough to overhaul the rival nationalists, whose vote declined by 3.9% in their former stronghold.
Amid tactical voting by Ulster Unionists, republicans drew parallels with Joe Hendron's victory over Gerry Adams in west Belfast in 1992. Durkan admitted as much, adding that some unionists "were proud to vote for us".
The seat will undoubtedly be Sinn Fein's chief target in four years time.
Elsewhere, Conor Murphy took Newry and Armagh for Sinn Fein by a wide margin. The dramatic gain from the SDLP had been well tipped, but was widely ignored by the broadcast media.
Meanwhile, Sinn Fein's chief negotiator Martin McGuinness easily retained his seat in Mid-Ulster, despite the controversial late appearance of a mystery ballot box.
The final tally for the parties, pending confirmation in two constituencies, is: DUP 9, SF 5, SDLP 3, UUP 1
Trimble's road to nowhere
By Sunday Business Post, Dublin
Trimble's road to nowhere Sunday, May 08, 2005 - By Tom McGurk When the historical archive of David Trimble's political life is assembled, the infamous Drumcree sequence will reemerge in all its irony. It was just a decade ago and there he was sharing the moment of Orange triumphalism with Ian Paisley. Hand in hand, they jigged along before the cheering crowds, having once again forced the march down Garvaghy Road.
Behind them was a Catholic community outraged and bullied into submission by a massive security force presence. Both Trimble and Paisley had instinctively recognised that day how significant for the Orange supremacy ethos Drumcree was, and both were determined to be visibly part of it all.
On reflection now that hand-in-hand triumphant jig with Paisley was a poisonous handshake. In time, Trimble was to pay an enormous political price for his Drumcree fellowship.
Of course, it brought him the leadership of the Ulster Unionist Party a few months later. After Drumcree, powered by the Orange Order delegates, Trimble was seen as a safe pair of traditionalist unionist hands.
But from that point on, his political problems began to surface.
The IRA ceasefire and the emerging peace process signalled the beginning of the new politics. Once again, a Unionist leader had to lead his party along unfamiliar paths; slowly but surely, the conflict was drawing to a close and on all sides, compromise and change would be required.
From the outset too, it was obvious that the Drumcree sentiments would have to be abandoned. For Trimble, it was the classic dilemma that all Ulster Unionist Party leaders since Terence O'Neill in the 1960s have had to face.
After 50 years of single-party rule with a unionist oligarchy composed of the big house, the Orange and the Masonic orders, and the overwhelming fact that every election was no more than just a re-run of the old partitionist geography, the constituency for change was tiny.
Within months of O'Neill's arrival, Ian Paisley had moved to the sidelines on ‘Lundy' watch. Paisley quickly became the catalyst against any change, the leader of a traditionalist reaction that in its time was eventually to cannibalise the UUP. As Terence O'Neill was followed by James Chichester-Clark and then Brian Faulkner, each was politically bled dry by the gathering forces of Paisleyism.
In fact, Trimble himself was a member of the Vanguard organisation that organised both political and paramilitary forces against Faulkner. All along, Paisley was suggesting that there was a political alternative and that he alone could hold the fort in the face of the growing accusations of sell-out.
Of course, it was not until last Christmas that Paisley was finally forced to the conference table to unveil his solution. As we now know, it was not terribly unlike the very settlement for which Trimble himself had been so bitterly condemned by Paisley.
Despite all the bluster and the cat-calling, the political reality was that, for any unionist leader, the choices were minimal. With Dublin and London of the one mind and with the 1998 agreement in place, the choice was either to settle on that basis or spend another generation without sharing any political power. Trimble's failure was that he did not understand that maintaining the institutions of the agreement was his best chance of survival. Each time he walked away from power-sharing, he damaged both what he had achieved and its status in the eyes of the public.
Critically, too, what he also failed to understand was that battling outside the institutions was actually Paisley's home territory and Trimble was always bound to lose there.
Imagine the difference it would have made had Trimble faced into this election with five or six years of the power-sharing administration up and running. In these circumstances, he could credibly have contrasted UUP political success and achievement in contrast to DUP anarchy.
But all that is now water under the bridge. Now, Trimble follows O'Neill, Chichester-Clark and Faulkner into unionist limbo.
So in the long run, the spirit of Drumcree was a pyrrhic victory for Trimble. In the end, the forces of traditional unionism that then delivered the leadership of unionism to him have now taken it away again.
His loss also reduces the Ulster Unionist Party to marginal status. Again, despite considerable evidence that the party needed re-structuring and re-organisation, Trimble failed to act.
For some time, David Burnside, who also lost his seat in South Antrim, has been suggesting a unification of the DUP and the UUP.
With leading figures like Jeffrey Donaldson and Arlene Foster already moved into the DUP, the UUP may now begin to suffer an even greater haemorrhage.
Certainly, it still has Assembly seats - but come Monday, when the council results come in, the wipe-out factor will become even more evident.
However, the scale of the DUP victory now puts them at the very centre of political expectation. After the euphoria dies down, the realities will settle in. It's been disguised for a long time but it may well now emerge that there are two wings in the DUP: the Paisley one and the Robinson faction.
The Paisley wing will be in the ascendant with this result but, sooner or later, the ambitions of Robinson and company will have to emerge. Indeed, now that the political diversion of the UUP and David Trimble is out of the way, the pressure on the DUP to deliver will be greater.
The political reality that supersedes all of this is that, as Tony Blair has recently pointed out, the Belfast Agreement is the only show in town. How long it takes the DUP to get around this fact is how long it will take to bring the parties back to the table.
Sinn Féin's increased mandate, particularly in the context of Gerry Adams' call for the IRA to step aside, must leave the margin for confusion on their part very small. Importantly, Sinn Féin's mandate is also a mandate for the IRA to step off the stage.
Many commentators have suggested that the two extremes have triumphed on both sides in this election but the other reality is that, for any agreement to survive, it had to include the extremes. Now the North has reduced itself to its political essentials - and no wit faces the ultimate choice.
Copyright © 2005 The Sunday Business Post
Editorial: Revolution and evolution at the ballot box
By Daily Ireland, Belfast
There were two bouts on the card in Thursday's Westminster election: DUP v UUP and Sinn Féin v SDLP. In the unionist contest, there was no need to leave it to the ringside judges for in the first round the DUP kayoed their UUP rivals.
In a political masterclass, the DUP did a demolition job on David Trimble's party. In constituency after constituency, Paisley's party left the Ulster Unionists floundering. Contrary to the UUP's risible election slogan 'decent people vote UUP', the DUP found it could attract votes from every section of the unionist community. The shift to the DUP represents a political revolution in the unionist community.
The once dominant Ulster Unionists find themselves with just one Westminster MP. And in the person of that sole MP, Sylvia Hermon, the problems facing the UUP are writ large. Ms Hermon is a titled lady with an aversion towards TV studio debate - hardly the stuff of which political fightbacks are made.
Having wiped the floor with the UUP, Dr Paisley says his DUP will not do business with "Sinn Féin-IRA". Yet his more diplomatic lieutenants have not ruled out a deal with the majority nationalist party post-IRA - a situation which, surely, is imminent.
On the green side, Sinn Féin has forced the SDLP to take a standing count but the traditional nationalist party will be pleased that it has gained a seat in South Belfast and defied the critics to comfortably hold on to Foyle - albeit with the help of unionist votes.
In key constituencies, Sinn Féin has pulled ahead of the SDLP yet again, a development which bodes well for the party's prospects when counting begins in the local government elections on Monday. Sinn Féin now boasts five seats to the SDLP's three, underlining the gap of around seven percentage points which now separates it from the 'junior party'. The republican vote has increased by two percentage points overall while the SDLP has suffered a four per cent setback. The shift towards Sinn Féin in the nationalist community is more political evolution than revolution.
If Sinn Féin wishes to build on its success in the Westminster election - and it's bound to enjoy further gains in the council poll - it needs to win over more SDLP supporters. There is no doubt that the Sinn Féin surge was hindered by the negative publicity over the Northern Bank robbery and the murder of Robert McCartney. Continued political success means avoiding similar controversies in the future.
Both nationalist parties will have reason for cheer this morning while the orange cordial will have been poured late into the night at the DUP celebrations. But when all the results are in next week, the same task awaits the parties and the two governments: bringing the DUP into a powersharing Executive with nationalism.
Copyright © 2005 Daily Ireland
Wednesday-Monday, 4-9 May, 2005
A summary of the news from each of the 18 Westminster constituencies
By Irish Republican News
WEST BELFAST
Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams won an extraordinary 70 percent of the vote in west Belfast, outpolling his SDLP rival Alex Attwood by five-to-one.
Mr Adams took to the stage and said he was,"very, very proud, and humbled," to be re-elected.
He thanked all those who had helped with the Sinn Fein campaign, in particular his, "brilliant election workers".
Mr Adams also vowed to represent the whole constituency.
"It is very, very important that people have a choice. People of west Belfast certainly had a choice in this election. It is a very, very proud and humbling day for me," he said.
Mr Adams said he would use his mandate "wisely".
"We will represent, not just people who voted for us, but people who voted against us, and those who did not vote at all," he said.
The DUP's Diane Dodds won 10 per cent of the vote in the overwhelmingly nationalist constituency, defeating the UUP's candidate Chris McGimpsey, who polled just 779 votes.
SOUTH BELFAST
The SDLP's Alasdair McDonnell succeeded in slipping through the middle of a split unionist vote to top the South Belfast poll for the first time in his 18-year career in politics.
Mr McDonnell's victory was seen as an unexpected boost for the SDLP and provides increased representation for nationalists in the Belfast area.
Mr McDonnell said: "In this constituency the SDLP has sent a clear message to political opponents on all sides... The people on the doorsteps have sent out a message, loud and clear.
"People want an end to direct rule. They want to control their own affairs and it beholds us all to make sure this happens as quickly as possible."
Sinn Fein Alex Maskey's 2,882 votes were slightly down on the party's 2001 Westminster result amid evidence of tactical voting by republicans.
NORTH BELFAST
The DUP's Nigel Dodds retained his seat in North Belfast with 13,935 votes.
Sinn Fein saw its percentage share of the vote in North Belfast increase from 25.2 per cent in 2001 to 28.6 per cent. The party's North Belfast candidate Gerry Kelly won 8,747 votes.
The constituency is now set up for a straight fight between Mr Kelly and Mr Dodds at the next Westminster election.
Sinn Fein's Gerry Kelly said: "Although we have had a unionist seat in North Belfast for 83 years, times are changing - we are now coming after that seat."
EAST BELFAST
The DUP's Peter Robinson ruled out any hope of a power sharing executive with Sinn Fein after he retained his East Belfast parliamentary seat with nearly half of the entire vote.
Mr Robinson's 15,152 share of the vote meant he was nearly 6,000 votes ahead of his nearest rival, Ulster Unionist Sir Reg Empey.
Mr Robinson accused the UUP of having 'gifted' the South Belfast and Fermanagh/South Tyrone seats to nationalists by refusing to enter into a unionist pact.
Mr Robinson continued with his sideswipe at the UUP by thanking the 'decent' people of east Belfast for returning him with an increased majority - a jibe aimed at the Ulster Unionist election slogan that claimed 'decent people vote UUP'.
WEST TYRONE
There was no surprise when sitting MP in west Tyrone, Pat Doherty, won a comfortable majority of more than 5,000 over independent Dr Kieran Deeny.
Deeny had been backed by some unionists in a futile effort to wrest the seat back from Sinn Fein after the party's breakthrough four years ago.
Mr Doherty said he was "delighted to be back representing the great people of West Tyrone".
"We have to look to the future," he said.
Mr Doherty said the restoration of devolution was essential "particularly with regard to the hospital issue which hangs over West Tyrone".
MID-ULSTER
More than 3,000 votes went missing in the Mid-Ulster poll last night after officials said two ballot boxes were mistakenly removed in the belief they were empty.
Sitting MP Sinn Fein's Martin McGuinness was an estimated 10,000 votes ahead of his nearest rival Ian McCrea of the DUP, with the SDLP's Patsy Mc Glone on approximately 8,000 votes.
A spokeswoman for the electoral office said the two missing ballot boxes were never out of the possession of election officials.
The boxes were found unsealed in the back of a lorry on the outskirts of Derry.
As expected, McGuinness was declared elected following a recount.
Election officials said the boxes had simply been misplaced. But Sinn Fein director of elections Francie Molloy said his party had raised the issue with the electoral commission.
He said that the missing votes amounted to 3,500 votes and that Sinn Fein was concerned that they had left the count centre and were not sealed when they were found.
"We are particularly concerned about how this happened, about the security of the ballot boxes and about the impact this may have on the local election counts next week," he said.
FOYLE
SDLP leader Mark Durkan has held onto his party's seat in Foyle despite a strong challenge from Sinn Fein's Mitchel McLaughlin.
While his vote did not equal the huge personal vote of John Hume, it was much higher than some had predicted -- boosted in part by thousands of unionists 'lending' their vote to Durkan.
Sinn Fein's Mr McLaughlin described Mr Durkan's victory as "remarkable".
Bizarrely, the unmistakeable Hume -- who held the Foyle seat since the constituency was established in 1983 -- was refused access to the election count.
NEWRY AND ARMAGH
Sinn Fein's Conor Murphy declared himself the first Irish republican to represent Newry and Armagh after wiping out the field in the former SDLP stronghold.
And he said his first objective would be to demand his party's right to be represented in the Dublin parliament.
The Assembly member polled more than 20,965 votes, 41 per cent of the total poll and represented a swing of more than 12,000 on the last Westminster poll when the SDLP's Seamus Mallon retained the seat. Mr Murphy, who dedicated his victory to his late father, said the win was a huge endorsement of Sinn Fein's peace strategy.
FERMANAGH/SOUTH TYRONE
Further west, sitting Sinn Fein MP Michelle Gildernew extended her majority from a wafer-thin 53 to a commanding 4,000 in Fermanagh/South Tyrone
"I'm thrilled and honoured and so proud to represent this historic constituency Fermanagh and South Tyrone again," she said, as she arrived to rapturous applause.
"I am mindful that yesterday was the anniversary of the death of Bobby Sands, so it is a very humbling experience to be here again."
Mrs Gildernew said the election had been a good one for Sinn Fein despite the many difficulties the party had faced in recent months.
SOUTH DOWN
As predicted, veteran South Down MP Eddie McGrady held his seat for the SDLP, fighting off a growing threat from Sinn Fein.
His majority of around 14,000 in the 2001 election was cut to around 9,000, as Ms Ruane continued to build on the work of the previous Sinn Fein challenger, Mick Murphy.
UPPER BANN
David Trimble's career ground to a halt in what came as a massive shock to the party. However, most pundits had backed the DUP challenger David Simpson to take the seat amid a general meltdown for the UUP.
"We weren't getting a sense of this from the doorsteps," said one party worker.
Simpson, who got to within 2,000 votes of Trimble in 2001, said he was humbled the people of Upper Bann had given him a mandate to represent them.
"Push-over unionism has gone forever. What people here want is consistent representation," said Mr Simpson.
Outside the Banbridge count centre - the scene of a nasty aftermath four years' ago - a huge crowd of DUP supporters made their presence felt by playing on lambegs, drowning out a speech by David Trimble which was effectively his resignation.
Trimble, clearly emotional as he was swept aside after fifteen years, said there was still a strong UUP base in the constituency and there was something to build on.
He said he was proud of his party's record and said he trusted the DUP to safeguard that past.
As Trimble was spirited away from Banbridge Leisure Centre a beaten man, DUP leader Dr Paisley and Nigel Dodds arrived to help carry Simpson shoulder high in front of rejoicing supporters.
STRANGFORD
The DUP's Iris Robinson won a massive 13,049 majority in Strangford. Mrs Robinson won the seat in 2001 by just over 1,000 votes.
The wife of DUP deputy leader Peter Robinson said yesterday: "The transformation of this constituency from one dominated by the Ulster Unionist Party to one of the strongest DUP seats in Northern Ireland is quite remarkable."
NORTH ANTRIM
Ian Paisley raced home in his native north Antrim with more than 54 per cent of the vote and a pledge to capitalise on his increased political power.
More surprising was the runner up - Sinn Fein's Philip McGuigan, whose 7,000 votes took him ahead of the SDLP and Ulster Unionists.
Mr McGuigan said his result reflected the "continuing confidence" of nationalism in north Antrim and called on Mr Paisley to respect his mandate, as Sinn Fein would respect that of the DUP. He said the Sinn Fein vote could only continue to rise in the future.
Mr Paisley walked out of the Ballymoney count centre as Mr McGuigan made his speech.
EAST DERRY
The same count centre also saw Gregory Campbell safely retain his seat for the DUP with an increased majority. Former RUC reservist and Orange Order member Billy Leonard polled well for Sinn Fein.
EAST ANTRIM
The DUP also romped home in East Antrim, as the newly elected MP Sammy Wilson took almost half of the vote. Mr Wilson's success was a significant boost for the DUP, especially when this seat had been billed as one of the closest contests prior to the election.
He beat Ulster Unionist Roy Beggs by almost 7,000 votes - an increase of almost 15 per cent from the 2001 election where Mr Wilson was defeated by only 128 votes.
SOUTH ANTRIM
Ulster Unionist David Burnside launched a stinging attack on his party leadership yesterday after being ousted as MP for South Antrim by the DUP's William McCrea.
He bizarrely welcomed the result because his party had lost the trust of the electorate.
"I am pleased with the message that has been sent out in Ulster. I am pleased with the election result," he said.
"It speaks for the Ulster unionist people. We have had enough of the appeasement and double standards."
LAGAN VALLEY
Further south, a triumphant Jeffrey Donaldson claimed victory with a huge majority over his Ulster Unionist rival, consolidating his position within the DUP.
The former Ulster Unionist MP switched parties in 2004, weeks after the assembly elections, and now enjoys one of the largest majorities in the British parliament.
NORTH DOWN
Lady Sylvia Hermon was returned as the only UUP MP with 50.4 per cent of the vote in affluent North Down, reduced from a 56 per cent share in 2001. Her closest rival, the DUP's Peter Weir, polled 11,324 votes.
Lady Hermon said: "One seat is a wonderful victory. Many thanks to all who came out yesterday. It was a day when those who would have traditionally voted Alliance or the SDLP came out in support of Hermon the Ulster Unionist candidate. As long as I'm standing, there will be an Ulster Unionist Party."
