Reports obtained from:
(1) Irish Republican News, (2) Irish Northern Aid Committee, (3) Andersonstown News
Saturday-Tuesday, 11-14 December, 2004
Saturday-Tuesday, 11-14 December, 2004
Ahern grovels for Paisley
DUP talks boycott hinges on second apology
By Irish Republican News
Nationalist confidence in the current talks process dipped this week as the the Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern made a grovelling apology to DUP hardliner Ian Paisley for suggesting unionist demands for photographs of IRA weapons decommissioning could not be met.
Mr Ahern issued a full apology to Ian Paisley after the DUP leader became incensed at Ahern's comments that the photographing of IRA weapons being destroyed was "not workable".
The statement, following a Dublin meeting with Sinn Fein's Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness, led Paisley to break off relations with the Government.
In his remarks to journalists, the Taoiseach said: "The Government's position is that we were happy with [arms body chief] John de Chastelain. Then there was the issue of further witnesses. We were happy with that. We tried the issue of photographs. That's not workable, so we have to try and find some other way. The big issue is that decommissioning, as I understand it, is ready to happen; is ready to happen as part of a comprehensive agreement. It won't happen if we don't get a comprehensive agreement. Let's try to make it happen."
Speaking alongside Mr Ahern, Mr Adams said "the photograph was never a runner, particularly since Ian Paisley described it as being part of a process of humiliation. The focus can be on words. The focus can be on photographs. It can be on all of these matters. But it needs to be on the substance of what has to be required, and then how that is verified and presented."
Sinn Fein president Mr Gerry Adams appeared to dismiss the question of photographs later on Monday after lengthy talks with Mr Blair and senior officials at 10 Downing Street.
"The photographs are dead and gone and buried in Ballymena," declared Mr Adams, referring to the Ian Paisley's now infamous "sackcloth and ashes" speech.
However, the DUP leader had flown into a rage in Ballymena at the suggestion that his writ was being challenged. He told journalists: "From day one until now Mr Ahern never opposed photographs, and [he] suddenly meets two IRA/Sinn Feiners and comes out and says: 'It's not workable, that's out'.
"So anything the IRA says is not workable, he will bow to. He double-crossed Mrs McCabe [regarding the release of the Castlerea 4], he'll not double-cross us."
Dublin officials panicked. "Ian Paisley was very, very upset," said one. "I think some people were a little worried that the reverend wouldn't take the call."
Mr Ahern quickly sought forgiveness from the Reverend, telling Mr Paisley that he still wanted IRA decommissioning to be photographed.
Paisley, however, did not lift his boycott of Dublin government Ministers and officials, instead demanding Mr Ahern put the apology onto the record of the Irish parliament later today [Wednesday].
Mr Ahern has said he will not apologise in public in parliament. But he is expected to use diplomatic language in the Dail today in a bid to ensure Mr Paisley attends a scheduled meeting with Dublin officials this afternoon.
The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Dermot Ahern, the British Direct Ruler, Paul Murphy and US President Bush's special envoy, Mitchell Reiss, meet the parties in Hillsborough Castle outside Belfast.
A Government spokesowman said she "presumed" that Mr Paisley was not seeking a public apology. "We would presume that they are looking for the record to be straightened out."
ELECTIONS THREAT
Paul Murphy said the option of restoring the Belfast Assembly had not been ruled out, pointing out that the legislation requires that an election be held following the end of the formal review of the Good Friday Agreement.
An election over a year ago led to advances for the DUP and Sinn Fein, a result which brought about the current talks to restore power-sharing.
"If after six weeks, the parties in the Assembly can't come up with an executive, can`t come up with a First Minister and a Deputy First Minister, then they are required to go back to the people for another election," Mr Murphy said.
"It is something which I doubt the people in Northern Ireland will particularly want, because they have only just elected an assembly."
DURKAN FUMES
Meanwhile, the leader of the nationalist SDLP accused the two governments and Sinn Fein of bowing to DUP demands to change the Agreement.
Mark Durkan said the SDLP could be thrown out of the Executive if it failed to vote for, or abstained from, a motion to appoint a DUP first minister and Sinn Fein deputy first minister.
A Dublin government spokeswoman accepted that new rules would force all those interested in holding office to vote for the Executive.
Political action alert
By Irish Northern Aid Committee
The US-based Irish Northern Aid Committee has issued an appeal to contact US envoy Mitchell Reiss.
I. Background
US president George Bush's special envoy to the Irish peace process, Mitchell Reiss, is a key player in the current talks process.
He will be taking part in multi-party talks outside Belfast this week.
Reiss recently commented after the deal that was put forward by the two governments broke down:
"I of course support the deal that the two (UK and Irish) governments put forward. It's unfortunate we could not get complete agreement. It's easy to focus on the negative and on the shortcomings"
He added: "It's understandable but let's focus on the big picture there's been enormous movement, enormous progress forward in the past few months. And if you compare it to where we were last year, it's really quite remarkable we've come this close in just a year's time."
II. Talking points
When you contact Reiss, tell him:
To realize that Republicans are doing all the forward movement, making all the difficult/painful decisions, and all the compromising. Let's see some movement from unionists for a change to make a fair deal.
III. Contact details
Dr. Mitchell Reiss, Director of Policy Planning U.S. Department of State 2201 C Street NW Washington, DC 20520
Send a message using State Dept web site: http://contact-us.state.gov.
Click on 'Foreign Policy Opinions,' 'Send a Message to the Secretary of State'; 'Suggestions and Complaints.'
Saturday-Tuesday, 11-14 December, 2004
No Photographs, No Humiliation
By Danny Morrison, Andersonstown News
There has been much argument over what was or was not agreed on the issue of IRA decommissioning being photographed.
Proof that republicans never subscribed to the idea of visual decommissioning is actually evident from a close reading of the two governments' proposals for a 'Comprehensive Agreement'. When you read the statement in Annex C the governments proposed the IRA would issue there is absolutely no reference to photographs. What it says is that, "the IRA leadership has agreed with the IICD [the Decommissioning body] to complete this process in a way which further enhances public confidence and to conclude this by the end of December."
The way which enhances public confidence was the proposal to allow two independent clerics to witness decommissioning, which is what the IRA had agreed to.
Photographs are only mentioned in the statement in Annex D that the governments proposed that General John de Chastelain would make! According to paragraph 5 he would have said: "In addition, the IRA representative has told us that the IRA will have photographs of the weapons and materiel involved taken by the IICD, in the presence of the independent observers."
De Chastelain would have said that the photographs would be published when the Executive was formed next March.
The reference to photographs was obviously left out of the IRA statement because the British knew that the IRA had never agreed to that happening, though it appears that they were trying to bounce the IRA into accepting the unacceptable.
The British and Irish governments thus must bear a heavy responsibility for the impasse in political progress last week. It is now clear that they ignored Sinn Fein warnings that visual decommissioning from the IRA was a non-starter, yet they persisted in including such a possible prospect. Furthermore, we now know that the British government convinced the DUP that the pictorial aspect was a probability - almost a given - in a separate document on the issue which was never shown to Sinn Fein's chief negotiator Martin McGuinness.
That little bit of deceit was what put Paisley's ego over the top. Falsely assuming that the IRA had agreed to visual decommissioning, he made his infamous speech about humiliation, repentance, sackcloth and ashes (and, later, threw in a hair shirt for good measure).
Paisley must have known the reaction his speech would have caused among republicans. He may have calculated that it would cause major division in the IRA and ultimately force the IRA to 'renege' on what he assumed it had agreed to - filmed decommissioning. That certainly would have got him off the hook of sharing power with Sinn Fein under the Belfast Agreement which is what he would have been signing up to. However, despite what commentators, observers and politicians assert about Paisley being prepared to share power with republicans, I still cannot ever see it happening, for it would represent such a reversal of character.
The publication of the document has also shown that the SDLP was lying when it said that Sinn Fein had agreed to a DUP veto over the nomination of specific ministers. In fact, the amended method of electing the Executive rather than easing things for the DUP has made it more embarrassing. Under the former system it would have had to vote for only one member of Sinn Fein, Martin McGuinness as Deputy First Minister. But under the latest proposals the entire Executive would be nominated and then there would be a collective vote. This led to David Trimble jibing at Paisley: "That instead of voting for one, they will vote for four [Sinn Fein ministers]. I'm sure that's progress."
There is little doubt that, as Gerry Adams said last week, there would be a battle a day inside such an Executive, as the DUP resisted change and progress. Paisley confirmed just that on Radio Ulster's 'Sunday Sequence' when it was clear that rather than promote the smooth functioning of government (to which the DUP would have to pledge itself, according to Annexe E) he would treat particular fellow ministers with hostility. His objective would be to frustrate the work, find fault with Sinn Fein and have it driven out of the Executive. Under those gerrymandered circumstances he would be more than willing to sit with the SDLP, the DUP's master voice who joined the confederacy calling for IRA photographs.
The irony is that the DUP appear to prefer the sectarian satisfaction of keeping Sinn Fein out of government rather than relieving the unionist community of the negative consequences of direct rule.
All of which begs the question I have heard many republicans ask: why bother? Certainly, Sinn Fein being in power in the North and South and working the systems towards social and economic harmony, as a means of working towards unity, appears to be the most viable strategy available. But can't it continue to consolidate its support and ready itself for power in the South (should it want to be in government; should the pretexts blocking it be removed)? Can't it lobby and press the British government to implement changes on a range of issues, including policing and a Bill of Rights, which the British have already conceded in principle?
Meantime, the IRA, presumably, will examine whether there is merit in doing a side deal with the two governments.
The nationalist community might be angry and temporarily frustrated. But it remains stoic, and morale is high because the IRA made the right decision. No photographs, no humiliation. Let's move on.
Copyright © 2004 Andersonstown News